The defence of the realm and the security of its people is the first responsibility of any government. Without it, prosperity, public services and the freedoms we hold dear are vulnerable. Labour’s defence plans recognise that responsibility and, crucially, the urgency of meeting it in a more dangerous and hostile world where traditional alliances cannot always be relied upon.
Russia’s aggression, threats to critical infrastructure and the changing nature of warfare require more than statements of solidarity. Iran continues to be a threat to our allies in the Middle East. China has intentions towards Taiwan. Argentina has been sabre rattling against the Falklands. Britain needs forces equipped to deter aggression, support our allies and respond effectively when danger comes, as well as the ability to support developing countries and help at times of environmental disaster. The government’s task is to turn those commitments into military capability that can be deployed anywhere in the world.
John Healey brings unusual authority to that task. Before becoming Chancellor, he resigned as Defence Secretary when Keir Starmer was Prime Minister in June 2026 because he believed the previous Labour administration’s spending plans fell short of what Britain’s security required and what the nation expected. In his House of Commons statement, Healey argued for defence spending to reach 3% of GDP by 2030, with a clear path to 3.5% in 2035. He warned that the threats facing Britain were moving faster than the funding commitments. That principled resignation matters. It demonstrates that his commitment was substantial enough to cost him ministerial office. It also means Labour must acknowledge shortcomings within its own record. Strong leadership involves confronting difficult choices, including uncomfortable ones within your own government. Now as Chancellor, the second most powerful man in His Majesty’s government, Healey must provide the funds to deliver the security investment he demanded and the nation requires.
The Budget a few weeks ago confirmed the remaining £4.7 billion required to fund the £15 billion Defence Investment Plan package announced in June. That balance will come from reprioritising departmental capital budgets and using unallocated Treasury capital reserves. This is a real choice about national priorities, with consequences for other investment. True to his word, in the Budget the Chancellor set a target date of 2030 for defence spending to reach 3% of GDP and reiterated the commitment to 3.5% by 2035. Detailed delivery arrangements will be set out at next year’s spending review. These remain commitments which the government are yet to outline in terms of monies to meet them. It is non-negotiable and must be done.
The Defence Investment Plan sets out approximately £298 billion of defence investment over the next four years. Its purpose is to translate the Strategic Defence Review into decisions about equipment, infrastructure and readiness. That figure represents the wider programme, not £298 billion of entirely new funding. The emphasis on autonomous systems, artificial intelligence and conventional military strength reflects lessons from the Ukraine war. A debate will need to take place around the likely conflicts Britain will be involved in. Will we need a large force to fight a continental war? Do we need a larger fleet? What sort of equipment? One thing is for sure: modern forces need sophisticated platforms, but also equipment that can be produced, replaced and adapted quickly. The Commons Library identifies warfighting readiness and the adoption of new technologies as central themes of the plan. The Budget highlights investment in Army drones and collaborative combat aircraft. It also establishes an Innovative Defence Financing Taskforce and commits the National Wealth Fund and British Business Bank to deploy up to £5 billion across defence, dual-use and other national-security sectors over four years.
For the Labour government, defence investment should, as a core objective, strengthen British industry as well as military capability to support our wider objective of reindustrialisation. Skilled engineering, manufacturing and research jobs support communities and preserve expertise that cannot simply be recreated when a crisis arrives.
The contrast with the Conservatives is clear in the evidence on procurement. In 2023, the National Audit Office found that forecast costs in the Ministry of Defence’s ten-year Equipment Plan exceeded its budget by £16.9 billion, the largest deficit reported since the plan began in 2012, overseen by successive Tory ministers. That was a gap between promised capability and available resources. Parliament also identified persistent optimism about affordability as opposed to the reality of costs. Labour must replace that approach with credible costings, realistic delivery schedules and accountability for results. The Conservatives rightly supported Ukraine and maintained important defence programmes. But those achievements do not erase the weaknesses they left behind, and Labour is now picking up the pieces.
Labour’s defence commitment has deep roots. Under Clement Attlee, Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was a principal architect of NATO. The alliance, founded in 1949 under Labour, embodied the conviction that collective security is essential to protecting democracy. NATO itself recognises Bevin’s central contribution. Labour also took the decision to begin renewing Britain’s submarine-based nuclear deterrent. The Labour government’s 2006 proposals secured parliamentary endorsement in March 2007, establishing the programme to replace the Vanguard submarines and maintain the Trident-based capability. Today’s Dreadnought programme continues that commitment. Four replacement submarines will sustain the deterrent, with an £8.4 billion construction-phase investment announced in July 2026 supporting its delivery and industrial supply chain. We must always have that deterrent. The mighty and terrifying power it possesses shows to the world that Britain still ranks amongst the great powers.
That is the tradition Labour must uphold now in government. Strong and new alliances, credible and ferocious deterrence and investment in those who defend us. Healey’s Budget advances that work. The test now is to deliver and quickly, because Britain’s security depends on capabilities that function when they are needed and our enemies are on manoeuvres. Britain must be ready at a moment’s notice.
